Coronavirus and ensuring food security in Nigeria

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In this interview, Farmer and Public Affairs Analyst, Smart Adesoye, shares his perspectives on how to ensure food security in Nigeria amid Coronavirus pandemic.
#FoodSecurity #COVID19 #Lockdown #Famine

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Wrongful Death Suit Against Cabell Sheriff Stays In Mason County | Huntington News

Judge R. Craig Tatterson on June 13 denied a motion to transfer a wrongful death suit against Charles N. “Chuck” Zerkle filed by the estate of Mike Carter from Mason to Cabell Circuit Court.  The ruling came in the form of a letter, and following an April 22 hearing.

The letter gave no detailed explanation for denying the motion. 

According to initial media reports, Carter, 88, died following a collision with Zerkle just before 8 a.m. on Sunday, July 29, 2018 along W. Va. Route 2 in Lesage.  An initial investigation by West Virginia State Police found Carter caused the collision when he failed to obey a stop sign at intersection of Ohio River Rd. and Sanns Dr.

However, the suit filed by Jeffrey W. Carter, administrator of Mike Carter’s estate, places Zerkle at fault.  In his complaint filed Jan. 23, 2019, Carter maintains Zerkle was driving a 2018 GMC Sierra north on Ohio River Rd.“at a high rate of speed in excess of the posted speed limit,” when he struck the elder Carter in a 2002 Ford F-150 pick-up truck while attempting to turn south. 

Additionally, Carter alleges at the time of the collision, Zerkle “was working as an officer, agent and/or employee of …Z&Z Enterprises, Inc. in the course of job related activities.”  Named as a co-defendant in the suit, Z&Z Enterprises in the parent company of  Apple Grove Market, a grocery/convenience store Zerkle owns with his wife, Sandra. 

In the motion filed March 7, Camille E. Shora, with the McLean, Va. law firm of Wilson, Elser, Moskowitz, Eldelman & Dicker, said the suit is in the wrong venue as the accident, and fatality occurred in Cabell, and not Mason, County  Also, though admitting Zerkle is the owner of Z&Z Enterprises, he was not “‘on the clock'” that morning.

In an affidavit attached to the motion, Zerkle avers he “was driving from my home in Cabell county to cut the grass at a property in Mason County.”  The location of the property is not specified.

Since Tatterson’s ruling, the sides have exchanged discovery requests.  Letisha R. Bika with the Charleston law firm of Farmer, Cline and Campbell represents the Carter estate.

No trial date is set. 

Mason Circuit Court, case number 19-C-6

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Anele Hoyana death: How Fritz Joubert killed Anele Hoyana

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Anele Hoyana death: Fritz Joubert killed Anele Hoyana allegedly using his fists, as well as a rifle, to beat Hoyana to death.

Fritz Joubert and Anele Hoyana were allegedly socialising in the early hours of Saturday morning when an argument developed and escalated into a physical confrontation.

Hoyana had reportedly been training Joubert to be a sangoma.

Themba Rumbu posted chilling two videos of the incident. Joubert had posted the videos to his Facebook timeline.

In the video that’s been widely shared on social media, Fritz Joubert can be seen insulting Anele Hoyana, refering to Hoyana as Satan.

The video showed a visibly agitated Joubert, wearing a Springbok jersey and has the word ‘Majeke’ scrawled on his arm.

Hoyana is seen holding a toddler in his arms and was forced to kneel on the floor. Joubert holds a knobkierie, calling Hoyana the devil.

Joubert claims that Hoyana, who is seen slumped in a chair inside the luxurious home, was attempting to bewitch him. He refers to himself as “The Chosen One” and “Prince Majeke” who is doing what God wants of him.

Another video showed Hoyana’s wife sobbing while repeatedly calling out her husband’s name as she tried to get closer while Joubert beat his body.

It’s understood a police officer shot and killed Fritz Joubert.

According to East London police spokesperson Captain Hazel Mqala, Joubert was shot after ignoring a warning from the officer.

What happened was Joubert reportedly tried to solicit help from neighbouring farms, but the owners instead contacted the Gonubie and Blue Water police stations.

When police arrived at the house, they found Hoyana lying on the floor on his back with extensive head injuries.

They were allegedly told by Joubert that “Nobody is leaving here today”.

It is unclear at this stage how Hoyana’s wife managed to leave the house but she waited outside while police spoke to Joubert.

The officers were shown to a bathroom where Hoyana’s children, a two-week-old baby and a two-year-old, were hidden in the bath. They were removed from the home and handed to their mother.

While one police officer was handing the children to their mother, Joubert allegedly attacked the Warrant Officer who remained behind inside the house.

East London police spokesperson Captain Hazel Mqala said:

“During the struggle one shot went off and hit the floor. Odendaal (the Warrant Officer) warned the farm owner, but without hesitation he attacked again.

Odendaal fired one shot in self defence and during the struggle the bullet from his service pistol entered under the left arm and fatally wounded the attacker.”

Fritz Joubert death:

Police’s Thembinkosi Kenana added:

“The police were called to intervene in the situation and, on their arrival, there was apparently some resistance on the part of the man.

During the struggle, there was also a shooting that actually happened, which resulted in the farmer being killed.”

Ipid is investigating Joubert’s shooting as a seperate incident.

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History of free African strongholds fires Brazilian resistance to Bolsonaro

Quilombo dos Palmares founded by Africans who escaped slavery maintained its independence for 100 years and has become a touchstone for a new generation

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A palm-fringed ridge rises above the plains of Alagoas in north-east Brazil. Just a few replica thatched huts and a wall of wooden stakes now stand at its summit, but this was once the capital of the Quilombo dos Palmares a sprawling, powerful nation of Africans who escaped slavery, and their descendants who held out here in the forest for 100 years.

Its population was at least 11,000 at the time, more than that of Rio de Janeiro across dozens of villages with elected leaders and a hybrid language and culture.

Palmares allied with indigenous peoples, traded for gunpowder, launched guerrilla raids on coastal sugar plantations to free other captives, and withstood more than 20 assaults before falling to Portuguese cannons in 1695.

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Hundreds threw themselves to their deaths rather than surrender, said local guide Thais Dandara Thaty at the historical site in Serra da Barriga. In her telling, those killed included Dandara her adoptive namesake captain of a band of warrior women, whose husband Zumbi is similarly shrouded in myth as a fearless Palmarian commander.

Some 5 million enslaved Africans were brought across the Atlantic to Brazil between 1501 and 1888. Many escaped, forming quilombos, or free communities.

Three centuries later, the remarkable saga of Palmares, the largest, is being seized on once more as a symbol of resistance against Brazils rightwing president and the countrys pervasive racism towards its black and mixed-race majority.

A pair of new television and Netflix documentaries, screened in late 2018 and this June, have examined the legacy of Palmares. In March, the victorious carnival parade of Mangueira samba school highlighted Dandara among a lineup of overlooked black and indigenous heroes. Later that month, Brazils senate voted to inscribe Dandara in the Book of Heroes in the Pantheon of the Fatherland, a soaring, modernist cenotaph in Braslia.

Angola Janga, a graphic novel charting the rise and fall of Palmares, has won a string of awards. Many people want an alternative view, to try to escape the one-sided, one-dimensional vision of our history imposed by the Portuguese and Brazilian elite, said author Marcelo DSalete, whose painstakingly researched book, including maps and timelines alongside striking monochrome illustrations, has been widely used in classrooms.

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Quilombosin general are very big right now, said Ana Carolina Loureno, a sociologist and adviser to one recent documentary on Palmares. Young Afro-Brazilians have even coined a verb, she added to quilombar meaning to meet up to debate politics or simply celebrate black music, culture and identity.

This renewed prominence coincides with a sharp rightward turn in Brazilian politics. Jair Bolsonaro has denied that Portuguese slavers set foot in Africa, and vilified the roughly 3,000 quilombos dotted across Brazil today poor and marginalised Afro-Brazilian communities, often descended from fugitive slaves branding their residents not even fit for procreation.

The president has sought to erode the landholding rights of quilombo communities in favour, critics argue, of the powerful agribusiness sector. Police killings, mainly of Afro-Brazilians, in Rio de Janeiro and So Paulo have also risen sharply in 2019 with the ex-paratroopers encouragement.

Earlier this month, footage of supermarket security guards whipping a bound and gagged black teenager for allegedly shoplifting, prompted reflections on the lasting legacy of slavery.

Zumbi
A painting of Zumbi dos Palmares (1927) by Antnio Parreiras, kept in the Museu do Ing. Photograph: Museu do Ing

For centuries, writers portrayed Palmarians merely as runaway blacks and outlaws who rebelled against the crown, said the Alagoas historian Geraldo de Majella.

It was only in the mid-20th century that historians began to reconstruct its story via Portuguese archives, often in Marxist terms. Meanwhile, black militant movements took up the flag of Palmares as a movement of national liberation, De Majella explained. The largest guerrilla group during Brazils military dictatorship (1964-85) the Palmares Armed Revolutionary Vanguard counted former president Dilma Rousseff among its members.

Former President Luiz Incio Lula da Silva (2003-10) simultaneously bolstered recognition of Palmares and the legal rights of present-day quilombos. November 20th the date the Palmarian leader was slain was officially adopted as the National Day of Zumbi and Black Consciousness in 2003.

In the same year, public schools were legally required to teach Afro-Brazilian history.

But limited archaeological evidence and the absence of Palmarian sources has encouraged freewheeling interpretations. Today, perhaps drawing on the historical presence of advanced metalworking at the site, some compare Palmares with Wakanda, the hi-tech, Afrofuturist utopia of Marvels Black Panther.

But the inclusion of Dandara whose first written mention occurs in a 1962 novel in the Pantheon divided opinion. I absolutely defend creative freedom in the way people look at our history, said DSalete. But we need to take care to differentiate between fact and fiction.

Fernando Holiday, an Afro-Brazilian YouTuber and conservative activist, has noted that Palmarian society had monarchical elements and also kept captives. Im sorry to disappoint leftist and black leaders, but today were commemorating a farce, Holiday said in a video. Zumbi wasnt a hero of abolition.

But Palmares and other examples of revolt and resistance, DSalete argued, are important as other ways of understanding our history so people can imagine and build another kind of society that is very different to one just based on violence and oppression.

That legacy of violence is apparent in Tiningu, a remote quilombo in Par state. The community has battled to receive legal recognition, threatened by the ranchers and landowners who have cut down much of the surrounding rainforest. One resident was murdered by a rival soybean farmer on the eve of Bolsonaros election. Here, Palmares is not merely history but a source of hope.

Zumbi was the beginning of everything, said local teacher Joanice Mata de Oliveira, whose school is daubed with the names of African nations. He was the one who began our fight.

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